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In modern societies, the application of the concept of internal democracy in the conduct of the affairs of political parties, particularly with regards to primary elections, is inviolable and, therefore, sacrosanct. The concept of internal democracy operates on the premise of due process, fair play, equity and good conscience in the discharge of duties and obligations to organizations, groups or the society at large. Within the fold of most political parties in Nigeria, however, internal democracy as a concept seems to be honored more in the breach as primordial considerations such as avarice, greed, nepotism and outright inordinate ambition, have continued to be elevated over and above the wishes of the people. This, no doubt, explains the endless cases of cross-carpeting by party members who, aggrieved by obvious injustice meted out to them by some powerful persons, have no option than to seek their political fortunes elsewhere.
It is apparent that some decampees may not be anything more than political flirts, the belief is that a majority of cross-carpeting is rooted firmly in reaction to the circumvention of rules and other acts prejudicial and, indeed, inimical to the enthronement and sustenance of internal democracy. Cases abound of questionable substitution, disqualification and reversal of nomination of previously screened and cleared candidates by an interplay of party intrigues, power display, culture of impunity and disregard for fair play and internal democracy. There has been call on political parties to work assiduously to enthrone internal democracy, for democracy to gather the relevant momentum and truly impact on the ordinary citizen, there is the inevitable need for political parties as the theatre for the nurturing of elective public officers, to purge themselves of the culture of impunity, and anti-democratic dispositions. Democracy, like charity, should begin at home and political parties ought to have imbibed the concept of democracy internally. Absence of internal democracy in the affairs of political parties robs the society of competent, diligent and transparent leadership as products of unjust and undemocratic leaders can only give what they have. The world is rapidly changing with global good practices and Nigeria as a member of the global community cannot afford to lag behind (Azeez, 2010).
Political party politics in Nigeria dates back to the colonial time, and the present-day incidences of internal party disputes associated with party politics in the country is nothing but retrogression to the past which was awash with rifts, internal strife, infighting, intrigues, violence, packing and sacking (Olaniyan, 2009). The fact remains that party politics is about contestation for political power between or among the political elites. Hence, the notion of the contest, according to Landman (2015), highlights the vague peaceful competition necessary for democratic rule, a value which imagines the validity of some opposition, the right to challenge the incumbent – the existence of free and fair elections and a consolidated party system.
Persistent internal party conflicts which come in varying degrees and forces have become the trademark of party politics in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. Some of these conflicts have led to the fractionalization of some major political parties, resulting in the decamping of members from one political party to the other. Ahead of the 2015 general election, it is argued that no fewer than 40% of members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) defected to the newly formed All Progressives Congress (APC) at that time. As Harmel (2015) notes that in any grouping, fractions exist: `fractionalism is a fact of life within most political parties. Indeed, most parties in the world have wings or tendencies’ (Chambers, 2008), to him, fractions hold different preferences and conflicting views about party platform (Debus and Brauninger 2009). Consequently, political parties are driven by the spirit of fractio fractions are universal (Heller 2008).
On a similar note as PDP, the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA), the party that has remained in power in Anambra State and has won a few elections in the South Eastern Nigeria had since 2013 started witnessing some internal fracas of power tussle that later became obvious in the build up to the Anambra 18th November election this year, another prove to the extent to which political leadership crises can shake even the most assumed strongest political party ever.
Arguably, fractionalization creates the motivation for political elites to align and re-align their political interests. Nigeria‘s Fourth Republic (May 29, 1999 to date) has been characterized more by recurring internal party conflicts resulting in fractionalization of the major political parties at the national, state and local government levels, than bequeathing a legacy of progress and development on the nation.
As Olaniyan (2009) observes that the Fourth Republic has recorded bitter and acrimonious struggles within parties as well as violent internal party relations. The high level of internal political party conflicts in the country‘s democratic system can be attributed to the mentality and view of the political elites that politics is the most lucrative industry in the country. This view is intensified by the increasing culture of impunity and flagrant disregard to the rule of law exhibited by the Nigerian political elites. Unfortunately, political parties have become veritable platforms for the political elites to capture power through elections that are often marred by fraud and other forms of irregularities. This is because the occupancy of political power gives the political elites the direct access to primitive accumulation of public wealth for their selfish gains and this has heightened the desperation for the acquisition of political power among the political elites. Nna-Emeka (2006) also corroborates this line of argument that politics in Nigeria is often conceived as a big time business to be pursued with all seriousness.
Internal party conflicts are stimulated primarily because of the unquenchable greed of the political elites for political power which creates the access for primitive accumulation of the commonwealth of the people. This damaging trend in political parties has been having profound damaging impact on Nigeria’s democratization process, development and viability. This is against the background that political parties are vehicles of representative democracy and a strong pillar for consolidating democratic governance.
Nevertheless, the ability of political parties to achieve this very vital role is highly dependent on whether the parties’ relationship with their members are harmonious or conflict ridden, owing to the fact that social groups exist by conflict and cooperation as it has been articulated in the theory of internal group cooperation.
According to Ngambi (2011), leadership is a process of influencing others’ commitment towards realizing their full potential in achieving a value-added, shared vision, with passion and integrity. The nature of this influence is such that the members of the team cooperate voluntarily with each other in order to achieve the objectives which the leader has set for each member, as well as for the group. The relationships between the leader and employee, as well as the quality of administrative performance, are significantly influenced by the leadership style adopted by the leader (Jeremy, 2011).
Leadership style in a state or country is one of the factors that play significant role in enhancing or retarding the interest and commitment of the citizens in an administration (Obiwuru et al., 2011).
Leaders determine values, culture, change tolerance and administrative development. They shape institutional strategies including their execution and effectiveness. Recently, many political parties in Nigeria have faced multiple crises resulting to various devastating losses in their agenda to take power. It is these crises especially as witnessed in All Progressives Grand Alliance and the Peoples Democratic Party that has necessitate a research into its developmental implications on the aforementioned political parties.
This study therefore explores the implications of leadership crises in All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) on political party development in Nigeria.
Liberal democracy proposed by the West as the political model for economic development appears to have proven incongruent with African experiences especially in Nigeria where the political leadership is polarized by corruption and crises so that the economy and standard of living of the masses takes the fall. It is abundantly clear that due to differences in culture, geography, political and socio-economic factors that there are no manuals or handouts on political leadership that a nation should apply to achieve their democratic leadership and economic end. While the country’s political development has witnessed the emergence of over 60 political parties in the country it is yet to boast of a proper political party or opposition capable of bringing about the desired political development and revolution desired in the country. This menace is largely because of the internal leadership crisis that has rocked these parties to its very foundations disrupting the goal it has set for its self. The PDP which had boasted it would remain in power for at least half a century had due to internal political leadership crises lost its hold on the country’s mainstream politics at a time many thought she would be a true replica of the desired democratic advancement required in the country and while APGA may seem to have survived the leadership crises that recently rocked it especially in the build up to the 2017 governorship election in Anambra State, it is not clear how they intend to manage the situation in the future. It is the uncertainty of what the future of political development holds in the country since to a large extent, a developed political party system in the country would transcend to a stronger and credible leadership emergence in the country thus solving the leadership challenge in the country that the researcher is now inquiring into the implications of this internal leadership crises on political party development in Nigeria, so that solutions can be inferred.
The following research questions are put forward for this study;
1) What is the extent of political party development in Nigeria?
2) What is the level of political leadership crises in All Progressives Grand Alliance and Peoples Democratic Party?
3) What are the implications of political leadership crises in All Progressives Grand Alliance and Peoples Democratic Party?
4) In what ways can incessant political leadership crises in political parties be curbed?
1.4 Objectives of Study
The broad objective of this study is to examine the political leadership crises in All Progressives Grand Alliance and Peoples Democratic Party and its implications for political party development in Nigeria.
Specifically, this study has the following objectives
1) To ascertain the extent of political party development in Nigeria.
2) To ascertain the level of political leadership crises in All Progressives Grand Alliance and Peoples Democratic Party.
3) To identify the implications of political leadership crises in All Progressives Grand Alliance and Peoples Democratic Party and
4) To recommend ways through which incessant political leadership crises in political parties can be curbed.
1.5 Literature Review
According to Neumann (2008) and Wordu (2011), a political party is an organisation of society’s active political agents who compete for popular support with another group or persons holding diverse views. By this Similarly, a political party is an organisation that nominates or presents candidates to stand Political party, party system, leadership recruitment, political ideology, political culture, manifesto, democracy, zero party, one-party, two-party, multi-party, good governance, democracy, liberalism, capitalism, marxism, communism, political change, political socialization, political reforms.for election in its name and seeks to have or place representatives (leaders) in government. The primary objective is that political parties seek to organize themselves, to dominate the organs of government and ultimately to provide governmental and political leadership. In the same vein, political party can be defined as a group of people who share the same ideas and ideology about the way the country should be governed. A political party can also be viewed as a group whose members act in concert to win the support for leaders who seek to govern (Jinadu, 2011; Schwaz and Lawson, 2005; Ryan, 2010).
Edmund Burke avers that a political party means “a body of men united for promoting their joint endeavors, the national interest upon some particular principle in which they are all agreed (Churchill, 1963). Modern political parties manifest three distinct hallmarks which were absent in Burke’s definition; firstly, political parties are now more organized and centralized bodies characterized by bureaucratic structures, offices and paid staff. Secondly, not all modern political parties work in line with national interest as some have objectives which could be regional, ethnic, racial, religious or economic interests. Thirdly, the rational for political parties is to compete for power in order to capture political office and control the allocation of resources (Hague and Harrot, 2007).
The quality, pattern and functions of political parties have continued to change in line with the socio-economic and political dynamics in the society. As a matter of fact, the way and manner in which political parties are viewed have drastically changed with time (Maiyo, 2008). The tendency to engage in competition as well as the quest to attain power and be in government is a major hallmark of contemporary political parties. It is in view of this that Sartori (1976) defined a political party as “any group identified by an official label that present at elections and is capable of placing through elections, candidates for public office”. However, it is pertinent to point out that this definition failed to make reference to the crucial role political parties play in respect of organization, interest aggregation and articulation (Maiyo, 2008).
A political party can also be defined as a group of like-minded people who join together to achieve political office. Even though the capturing of power is a primary intention of political parties, not all of them can aspire to attain that goal; some only struggle to have representatives in government (Holmes, 2008).
Characteristics of a political party
Most political parties possess certain common characteristics.
Firstly, a political party should have a recognizable political ideology. However, ideologies could also be divisive and such, experience of democratization in the contemporary epoch indicate that parties no longer look for people of the same ideological background in their membership drive. As such, they have become “catch all parties”, enlisting people of varied ideological wave length to join as members (Holmes, 2008).
Secondly, a political party adopts programmes which are policy commitments that differentiate it from other political parties. In some cases, some less popular parties tend to focus on one or a few issues. Moreover, of late, evidence abounds on the possibility of different political parties agreeing on some matters of common interests.
The third quality of a political party is the existence of the party’s constitution, that is, its rules and defines its organizational structure. It also has a leadership with clear responsibilities (Ball, 2013). Political parties play democratic roles in liberal democracy. Political parties also exist even in authoritarian societies but more often than not, only one political party exists in such a political arrangement as against the liberal political environment where the number range from two and more.
Functions of a political party
According to Ball (1994) and Holmes (2008) the functions of political parties include the following: Political parties unite, simplify and make the political process simple. Parties harmonize sectional interests, overcome the challenges posed by geographical distances and make the divisive structures of the government to be more articulate. The bridging role of political parties is an indispensable tool for political stability. As they pursue power, political parties bring orderliness to a disorderly situation. They broaden the interests they represent and get them aggregated. This brings a wide range interests into the political process and attempts to meet the various demands. Political parties act as a bridge between the government and the citizens. Through the mass media and local organizations, they inform the people about government policies and programmes. This occurs during elections and afterwards when the need arises to mobilize the population to support them either to win elections or to make government policies succeed. Political parties facilitate the recruitment of political leaders. The parties select the candidates for election to enable the electorates exercise their franchise. Through this, the diverse segments of the population would be represented. Political parties also perform electoral roles by contesting elections. This is their most crucial activity in a democratic society. They make their programmes known to the electorates to offer the choice to choose from. Political parties perform participation roles. They strife to sway people to join them as members, source funds from them, select or elect their candidates for the general elections and campaign for their candidates to ensure their victory at elections. Political parties also carry out other roles which include fund raising, ideological and policy, educational and communication roles.
Challenges of political party development in Nigeria
Echezona (1998) quoting Claude Ake examined the state in capitalist society and related it to the states in Africa. According to him, what distinguishes a capitalist society from other societies is the pervasiveness of commoditization and autonomization. Inherent in this assessment of state in capitalist societies in relation of capitalist states in Africa is the fact that the way capitalism or capitalist state operates in Africa is different from the way it operates in the Western world that hoisted it on Africa. Thus, it was observed that in Africa, there has been willfully wrong placement of emphasis (pervasiveness) on the acquisition of material wealth i.e. (commoditization) and the result of which there emerged the autonomy of dominance by the wealthy ones over the poor xx ones i.e. autonomization of domination. These were the flaws of capitalist states in Africa and these flaws are invisible in the western capitalist states. To complicate and worsen the situation Anene and Brown (2001) noted that the colonialist did not stop at merging of incompatible ethnic nations but also went on to sensitizing and fuelling of ethnic division and differences so as to forestall any possible integration and unity of the people in the state-colonies. In a very closely related observation, Anene and Brown stressed on the excess ethnic awareness is one of the problems that hunt there political party development today as one of the complex legacies of colonial administration in Africa. Moron-Browne rightly observed that one of the injurious legacies of colonial era in Africa was the intensification of ethnic awareness either by altering the demographic balance or by introducing a new political system. Similarly, Vicker (1993) observes that ethnic conflicts occur as a result of colonial power’s arbitrarily drawn frontiers following the 1884/1885 Berlin colonial partition of Africa. This stems from the fact that most African states are but amalgamation of different ethnic/national groups who have differences in their historical background, cultural language, ideology and religion.
Concept of Leadership and Leadership Crises in Nigeria Political Parties
Ake (2015) viewed leadership in Africa as one of the injurious imports of the capitalist system of production in Africa. He argued that the capitalist system of production brought into Africa a very serious antagonism between and among leaders in different states of Africa, and consequent upon which there ensued crises among them. Hence, (2015) had argued that these conflicts are squarely the products of the emergence of capitalism in Africa. They contended that the dynamic interplay of issues in capitalist system of production created antagonistic tendencies among the people since the relations of production are mostly the relations of conflict and crises among different competing interest struggling over the surplus that accrue in the production of goods and services.
Ezema (2001) cited some other case illustrations on where the schemes of deprivation or alienation cause leadership crises especially in the period of post cold war years in Africa. These include: the Liberian crises of twentieth century and beyond, the Sierra Leone crises of twentieth century and beyond, also the crises in former Zaire now Democratic Republic of Congo and the several years of apartheid crises in South African etc. In fact, virtually all the leadership crises that have occurred in many Africa states possess the traces of one deprivation or the other. While, this position of relativedeprivation may appear attractive it fails to tell us why deprivation leads to aggression in some areas and not the other. It did not account for the leaders influence in the crises of development and why it has persisted
The crises in the leadership of so many chapters of almost all the parties had provided ready-made excuse for party members who are enamored of party flirtation in search of greener political pasture. Hence, the political lexicon of Nigeria soon became saturated with “defection”, “decamping”, “cross-carpeting” etc. Such cases have become legion and they apply to all the political patties. What is more, between 2007 and 2011 general elections not less sixty political parties mushroomed and about twenty-five appeared in the ballot papers of the 2001 General Elections (Kanu, 2016).
Right from the inception of the present Republic, Politicians have shown no qualms about moving in and out of political parties, depending on their perceptions of political advantage; the First Senate President in this dispensation, Senator Evans Enwerem, was originally the governorship candidate of the All People‟s Party (PPP) in Imo State (Mbah 2011). But he lost his bid to bear the flag of his party for the subsequent general election. He decamped to the PDP before the general election; upon offer of senatorial ticked by the Party leadership. He did not only win election to the senate but was also rail-roaded by Chief Obasanjo‟s Presidency and the national leadership of PDP to the Senate Presidency. In Plateau State, Alhaji Alhassan Sbaibu, for a relatively frivolous reason, decamped from the All Peoples‟ Party (APP) and joined the PDP in 1999. As a compensation, the President appointed him member, Northern Nigeria Development Company (NNDC). In Cross River State,not less than severe prominent APP and AD members cross-carpeted to the PDP. Another striking decamping during the Obasanjo regime was that of his Vice–President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar. He was a foundation member of the party, having played active role in late Musa Yar‟Aduah‟s PDM. He defected to the Action Congress which became the new name of Alliance for Democracy (AD) after an open pitched battle with his boss, the President: contested as the presidential candidate of the Action Congress in 2007 general elections, returned to the PDP in 2011 (Mbah 2011) Furthermore, as if it was not enough for him, he ludicrously decamped again from the PDP; became a leading force in the formation of the New PDP and subsequently joined the emergent organisational colossus now known as the All Progressives Congress (APC). Without mincing words, intra-party conflict, real and contrived, resulted in a spate of defections also involving governors of different party affiliations: the Governor of Bauchi state up till 29th May 2015, Alhaji Isa Yuguda was a PDP member, failed to pick the party gubernatorial ticket in 2007, decamped to now All Nigerian People Party (ANPP), won the election under latter‟s platform and subsequently decamped back to his original party, the PDP. The former Governor of Imo state as originally a member of PDP, decamped to Progressive People‟s Alliance (PPA), won election under its platform and almost immediately reverted to PDP; Governor Theodore Orji of Abia State followed the same pattern by changing party identity from PPA to PDP. The Governor of Ondo State, Dr. Olusegun Mimiko won his governorship election on the platform of the Labour Party (LP) but later decamped to the PDP. In the North, Aliyu Shinkafi of Zamfara State (ANPP) and SaminuTuraki of Jigawa State (ANPP) defected to the PDP ( Mbah, 2011). The Nigeria National Assembly is by no means spared of this gale of defections and cross carpeting, as a result of intra-party conflicts, as no fewer than thirteen Senators and thirty-five members of the House of Representatives had switched party between 1999 and 2013, when psunamic‟ rapture balkanised the so called Africa‟s largest party, the PDP. At the Mini-Convention that the PDP conducted in 2013, seven state governors – Kano, Kwara, Rivers, Sokoto, Adamawa, Niger and Jigawa– with their teaming supporters walked out of the venue, the Eagle Square in Abuja moved to the Yar‟Adua Centre where they addressed a press conference and announced their intention to form a new party to be called the new PDP. After initial running battle with the parent body, and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the n–PDP decide to strike a deal for a merger with the now mega party – the All Progressives Congress (APC). The party eventually won the presidential election in March 2015 and a reasonable majority of state governorship seats. Ever since its inauguration at the centre the pattern of defection has reversed in its favour. Early August, 2015 a former state chairman of the PDP and leading members of the party in Bayelsa state decamped to the APC at the state party rally that was massively attended by both national regional and state officials of APC plus their teeming supporters/ followers. The decamped members reeled out a plethora of reasons for their action (Onyishi, 2012).
Political parties act as an intermediary between voters and the state, and by structuring the political field; they help voters in making their choice. A political party is one of the political institutions in a competitive democracy. Political parties serve as an index through which democratic governance could be compared in states, in that the structure and operation of parties politics for determining the fragility or otherwise of democratic system (Omodia 2010). A situation where political parties are poorly structured to perform articulate, aggregative, communicative and educative function, such a system is likely going to be associated with poor political culture which tend to make the democratic process so fragile. Conversely in a situation where political parties are well structured to perform articulate aggregative, communicative and educative functions, such a system is often associated with participant political culture which tends to ensure a stable democratic process (Almond 2010). Epstein (1967) defines political party as any group, however loosely oriented, seeking to elect office holder. Political party is any group of politically active persons outside a government who organize to capture government by nominating and electing officials who thereby control the operations of government and determine its policies. On the other hand, Harvey and Harvey (1974) opined that democracy means much more than the “one man, one vote”. They believe it involves among others, setting affairs according to known rules of government, toleration of minority views, regular elections, and freedom of speech and above all, observance of rule of law. Ajayi (2003) also posits that any claim to be democracy by any regime or state must essentially embrace popular participation, competitive choice, the enjoyment of civil and political liberties by citizenry in real terms, and the accountability of the leadership. Going by Schumpeter submission, for a system to be tagged as democratic, the rulers should be chosen by the ruled or their representatives. By this rule, one of the essential functions expected of the electorate in democracy is that of producing the government. Schumpeter argued further that once this has taken place, the democratic voters is expected to respect the political division of labour by leaving decision or issues in government that is to the leaders whom they have elected (Schumpeter Quoted by Lively, 1975). According to Lively (1975) democracy is a mechanism by which the political system maintains its equilibrium. With the above definition of political parties and democracy by various scholars, it can be deducted that political party and democracy are twins. Without political parties, democracy cannot operate successfully because of the vital role of political parties in democracy.
Political Parties and the Leadership Recruitment Process
Political parties seek to control the government by presenting, sponsoring and supporting their members who seek elective or political positions in government. In addition, the internal mechanism of political parties espouses the following; organisation standards, institutional capacity, internal democracy, leadership recruitment, socio-economic and political ideologies, manifestoes and programmes, funding and campaigns, structured electoral process and eventual control of government. Therefore, political parties should be well organised, disciplined and capable to drive the process of leadership recruitment, democracy and good governance (Wordu, 2011; Wordu, 2012). Another typical way or example of how political parties can shape or pattern leadership recruitment process is the selection of party candidates. Political parties use different methods to determine or select candidates or recruit leaders for offices contested in a general election. According to Hopkin and Bradbury (2006), some of the types of party leadership or selection process are highlighted as follows: * by a single individual who creates a political party as a vehicle for his or her own political views; * by a small elite party group, either by formal vote or apparent consensus. * by the party members of a legislature particularly in parliamentary systems; * by party annual convention, conference or electoral college as in non-parliamentary systems; * by ballot of the whole or total party membership; * by party (delegate) primaries at various levels from ward, local government, state and federal or national levels; and * by shadow elections otherwise known as ‘open’ or ‘wide open’ primaries which are held in which any one, regardless of party affiliation, may vote.
Political Party System The democratic system encourages the establishment of political parties or party systems which exist in different form or variety. According to Dode (2010) and Omodia (2010b) there are four major party systems from which a country can choose the one to adopt as highlighted as follows: * zero party system refers to a situation where there is no political party. It features only individual candidates for an election. It is sparingly used. It was adopted in Nigeria in the early 1990s at the local government level during the military era (Babangida Administration); * one-party system allows for only one party to exist legally as was with the erstwhile USSR, that is the defunct communist party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). It is usually monopolistic of state power and autocratic; * two-party system allows for two parties to exist legally as in the third republic in Nigeria or only two dominant parties which are important in influencing the alternation of political power as in the United States and United Kingdom; and * multi-party system gives no legal restriction as to the number of political parties that are permitted to exist. It may also allow for independent candidates to vote and be voted for during elections. Aside from the aborted third republic, Nigeria is a good example of multi-party system with above fifty political parties as at year 2013. However, it is a misconception that a party system automatically exists, once there is a political party or a multiple of political parties, it must be clarified that the party system cannot simply be reduced to a ‘number game’. Political Culture The thrust of this paper is to establish the ‘relevance’ of political parties in relation to leadership recruitment and formation of government in Nigeria. This naturally leads to the roles, functions and objectives of political parties. Also important and vital to note is how these ‘relevant’ political parties relate to one another in terms of co-operation and consensus or conflict and polarization as well as the factors that account for them. This also leads to the issue of political culture. Therefore it could be said that the existence and relevance of political parties, how well they perform their functions, the nature of political climate, the level of political maturity attained and the political culture under which they operate will go a long way to facilitate good governance, democracy and the democratization process in Nigeria (Yagboyaju, 2012). It is also to be noted that the basic functions of political parties according to Ihonvbere (2009) include the following: * recuitment and training of leaders; * development policy platforms; * searching for and presenting the best aspirants and candidates for office; * regulating the conduct of office holders; * conducting research on political party, political education and political development; * encouraging socio-economic and political discourses; and * subscribing and committing openly to the sustenance of democracy in every regard. Political Ideology Apart from serving as instruments for political recruitment and selection of candidates for elections, political parties are also instruments of political communication, enlightenment and education, political socialization, political change and stability, interest articulation and aggregation and political ideology. Some political parties based their political and election campaign programmes on an ideology such as liberalism, capitalism, marxism, socialism, or communism, as in the liberal democracies of the West. However, political parties in Nigeria take broad inspiration from a group of related ideologies without specifically embracing any one of them (Dode, 2010). While ideology is a set of basic beliefs about the political, economic, social and cultural affairs held by the majority of people within a society, political ideology is a belief system that explains and justifies a preferred economic and governmental order for society, offers strategies for its maintenance or attainment and helps give meaning to public events, personalities and policies (APS, 2012). It is therefore imperative for a political party to have a political ideology that will distinguish it from others in terms of socio-economic and political views and approach in solving societal problems. In addition to political ideology, how political parties relate with one another is very vital. The political atmosphere or culture under which they operate and the existence of an impartial umpire to monitor their activities are very germane to effective leadership recruitment through free and fair election in particular and democracy in general.
The study has both practical and theoretical significance. Practically, the study will inform and guide political parties on how to make their political party internal law to ensure the excesses of over ambitious party manifesto and ideology are checkmated. That leadership represents and only fosters the required unity to ensure sustainable development of the party towards enthroning their party into leadership and subsequently executing their ideology in national leadership for common good and development of all.
This study further contribute to the discourse about electoral reforms that suggest ways to restore internal party democracy: the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) should take over all elections in Nigerian, taking a clue from the experience in Ghana, where the nation’s Electoral Commission conduct internal party election. With INEC at the helm of party primaries, godfather maybe is eliminated in Nigeria politics over time. The voters in that party should make that decision via the ballot box. Only the court should be able to disqualify a candidate.
This study will also help party leaders and stake holders appreciate the implications of allowing themselves to be vulnerable to internal crises hence doing all within their powers to forestall such scenario’s.
Theoretically, this study furnishes both students and staff of Political Science in particular and Social Sciences in general with new knowledge of leadership failure and crises among political parties.
The study will also serve as the theoretical base for the review of political party systems and operations in Nigeria.
Finally, this study will serve as a source of secondary data for future researcher in the areas of leadership studies, development crisis and political party failures in Nigeria and beyond.
1.6 Theoretical Framework
In this study, we adopt system analysis as the theoretical framework around which the study will revolve. The major propounder of the theory is David Easton who draws heavily from works done by Dawin in biology and it is developed by some other scholars (Kurtz, 2014). The proposition of the theory among other things is that living entities are complex and highly integrated. The heart, lungs, blood digestive track and brain perform their functions in such a way as to keep the animal active. Take away one organ and the animal dies. Damage one organ and the other components of the system alter their functions to compensate and keep the animal active (Mbah, 2007). More so, political system model views political arrangements through inputs and outputs analysis. The inputs into the system include money, support and demands. The outputs therefore, involve the public policies produced by the system. Also, there is a feedback loop response to policies which initiated new demands and so on (Easton, 1953). The environment involves the people and their diverse needs which may be ecological, biological, personality, social etc. while the political system includes the executive, legislature and judiciary. They are the elected ones to represent the people in the government. However, to ensure stability in the system, the people send in their needs to the political system after some analysis, the system brings out the reply as an output. Then, if the feedback is favourable, the people will uphold their support but when the reverse is the case, the people will withdraw their support hence, the system will collapse. By a way of application, political party is a part of the political system which has a decisive socialisation role in the society. This made it to be fertile training ground for impending politicians. Essentially, the democratic rudiments and ethos are supposedly inculcated in the minds of the politician in those political parties. Therefore, the proper working of the democracy should without reservation stem from and/or be observed in the intra-party activities which the politicians or better still the leaders will undoubtedly exhibit in their inter-party operations. Axiomatically, if the intra-party arrangement is undemocratic in nature, obviously the inter-party politics will correspondingly be characterised by the democratic deficiencies. This is so because once a part of the system is affected, automatically the remaining parts are inadvertently involved. Nonetheless, the issue of democratic consolidation in the country should be faced squarely starting from the party level (intra-party). The political activity within a particular political party should be checked for democratic contrivance. By extension, the more the parties realise their socialisation role, the more they inculcate the democratic credos to their members. The more they mobilise democratic principles during party primaries and the more the challenges to democratic consolidation in Nigerian political system are resolved.
The theory of intra-group cooperation proposed in this study is therefore plausible for explaining why despite the power relations which exist within political parties and the varied interests usually pursued by party members which sometimes threaten the survival of the group; the party members still try to close ranks by integrating their incompatible interests in the larger interest of the party so as to forge a common and united ground.
In application to this study therefore, this theory simply proves that for any political party to be successful in taking power through the ballot, its entire system must be connected and functioning optimally as one. The leadership must importantly work hard to ensure that no part of the or member for the party feels short changed enough to work against the success of the party constantly working to ensure a hormonal and cordial relationship and efforts towards achieving party manifestos.
The following hypotheses stated in null form are tested in this research work:
1) Ho: There is no relationship between political leadership efficiency and stability on party victory in Nigeria.
Hi: There is a relationship between political leadership efficiency and stability on party victory in Nigeria.
2) Ho: Political leadership crises cannot result to better governance and democratic development in Nigeria.
Hi: Political leadership crises can result to better governance and democratic development in Nigeria.
3) Ho: Political leadership crises cannot be resolved through practicing of true internal democracy and promulgation of party ideology over personal interests.
Hi: political leadership crises can be resolved through practicing of true internal democracy and promulgation of party ideology over personal interests.
This study is aimed at examining the relationship between internal political party crises and political party development in Nigeria especially among the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The method employed in this research is the secondary research method for data collection due to the intrinsic nature of this research work. These include materials like newspapers, magazines, textbooks, internet, journals, government publications, official documents, etc.
The library as a store house of information and knowledge offered a great opportunity for acquiring the relevant information within the limited time and at a much less financial cost. Though available works on the study was not enough, the researcher carried out a thorough research on the few but relevant materials.
Finally, in analyzing the data, a contextual and critical analysis of these relevant materials was employed by the researcher in the course of this research work. This is due primarily to the nature of this study which is best analyzed using the aforementioned process.
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